Not “Disaster 2.0″, Just “Disaster”

I posted on UN Dispatch today about the risks of failing to learn from what’s gone before. Needless to say, documentation of previous humanitarian information work is thin on the ground, but that’s exactly why we need to create mechanisms for better institutional memory. The idea that Haiti was Year Zero for humanitarian information isn’t always explicit, but the general tone of a lot of online commentary definitely labours under its influence, particularly from those who don’t necessarily understand the work.

Haiti has exposed both the benefits and risks of the web-enabled response to disaster. The positive side has been written about extensively – wider awareness, greater levels of engagement, access to potentially valuable resources (whether satellite imagery or volunteer time). I’ll go on record here as believing that these are all to the good, and possibly the starting point for greater good in the future; although if we’re going to get to that future good, everybody’s going to have to check their egos at the door.

Unfortunately the negative side is almost completely ignored. Wider awareness that isn’t informed by grounded understanding is useless, and occasionally dangerous; greater levels of engagement need to harnessed in the right direction if they’re going to have any impact; and access to resources is unevenly distributed and comes loaded with assumptions that are often hidden from the people who provide those resources. The UN Dispatch blog post series is a good start but it’s no substitute for hard discussion.

Haiti also amplified another trend – the involvement of the public in debates about humanitarian principles and practice. This is something that we should welcome, but I’m a big fan of people knowing the limitations of their own experiences. I don’t feel the need to pontificate on the finer points of hospital management, because I’m not competent to discuss them; yet for some reason people feel that they’re entitled to pass judgement on the humanitarian sector based on what they just read in Wired or Newsweek.

While the recommendations in the Disaster 2.0 itself are likely to have positive impacts, they’re generally about how the humanitarian community can better utilize technology, rather than how “volunteer and technology communities” (and my word, what a frightful phrase that is) can perform better. Likewise this report on Volunteer Technology Communities does nothing more than describe what they do, rather than the impact they can have.

If we put all of this together, we can identify the problem at the heart of this debate; and possibly why some on the “V&TC” side has become increasingly defensive. In all the discussion about how social media might affect the humanitarian community, as far as I know, nobody has yet articulated a clear theory of change. That was what I was hoping for last year, when I challenged the crowdsourcing community to clearly articulate how the inputs they deliver will lead to the outputs they claim will result.

If we’re going to work actively to ensure that our use of technology is going to help anybody in post-disaster/post-conflict responses (whether 2.0 or just plain 1.0), all of us need to be much clearer about exactly how it’s going to help. I emphasise that this is a management problem, not a technology problem; and to their credit the Disaster 2.0 report writers very clearly targeted their recommendations on addressing the management issues, at least in some small part. Let’s see where this takes us.

Like Herding Groundhogs

Groundhog Day screencap

Bill and Phil at the wheel

Posting on The Humanitarian Groundhog Day, the always efficacious Ben Ramalingam pointed out the coordination is a wicked problem [pdf] – essentially a planning challenge that can’t be dealt with using linear planning tools.1 Broadly I agree, although I don’t accept that coordination has all the characteristics that are usually identified for wicked problems, but I’m not convinced that’s the primary reason why the humanitarian sector acts like Bill Murray.

Our work for ICVA wasn’t looking at the meta-issue of coordination, but the specifics of how NGO coordination in the field actually works (leaving aside the question of whether it works). However the overview did point out lack of progress in developing a functional definition or tools for coordination that could do any heavy lifting.2 The reason why those things are important (if dull) is the same reason why we keep repeating our mistakes – not just in coordination, but in a number of areas.

Short version: while I agree with Ben that this is a systemic problem, and that a large part of that problem is misaligned incentives, we have to pay attention to a) the people who work in that system and b) their relationship to those incentives. That’s because a) system behaviour emerges from the behaviour of the agents in that system (although it can’t be reduced to that behaviour, because! Complexity!) and b) different individuals respond to the same incentives in different ways. At root, this is a human resources problem, or rather a set of HR problems.

So: staff turnover is high, because of the stress and unpredictability of disaster response work; compounded by rapid growth of the sector (particularly NGOs), because the increase in staff demand has not been matched by a corresponding growth in supply. This has lead to increasing reliance on young and inexperienced staff in increasingly senior positions (in a sector which already relied quite heavily on them). I could go on, but in the words of Paul Simon: “It’s every generation throws a hero up the pop charts”.

YouTube Preview Image

Which is to say that the wheel keeps getting reinvented because the humanitarian community lacks any sense of its own history. That applies even to the old hands3 who are usually so overloaded that they struggle to remember what happened yesterday, let alone what happened ten years ago. It’s too obvious to say that we lack the tools for knowledge management, when the real problem is that we lack historical perspective; on the ground, this leads to a Year Zero approach to issues like coordination.

Interestingly, specific sectors such as health or shelter do make progress in terms of professionalism, although any such progress is hard won. I’d argue that’s because those sectors are populated by sector-specific professionals with links to a professional sector that exists outside the humanitarian sphere, providing a ready-made set of continuity tools and professional resources. Whether we could turn humanitarian coordination (or “humanitarianism”) into a similar sector is an open question.4

Some people might read this as an argument for certification, in the interests of professionalising the sector. It’s actually an argument against certification, but that’s a post that will have to wait for another day when it’s not so sunny outside. For now what we need to remember is this: while Ben’s proposals are a useful part of any solution to this wicked problem, there’s a high chance of failure unless some more elementary problems are addressed at the same time.

  1. Like say, a logframe. Look, internet: controversy. []
  2. It’s 2011 and AFAIK nobody has bothered to include “taking minutes” in any coordination training. []
  3. I recently realised that I’m an Old Hand rather than a Young Turk, or possibly somewhere in the middle. []
  4. To which the answer is no, if you’re interested. []

The Five Elements of NGO coordination

Hot on the heels of the NGO coordination review, we started talking about developing the How-To manual for NGOs that want to form a coordination body. I firmly believe that there’s a particular approach which has been proven to work (more or less) effectively in the field, and that we should be promoting the hell out of it.

We didn’t include it in the Report because not everybody agreed on the details, but it’s worth putting out there. In the absence of alternatives and in the face of a humanitarian reform process that largely fails to take capacities and concerns of the NGO community into account, these five elements provide a starting point for NGOs to consider how they can best arrange themselves.

  1. A General Meeting that brings together a critical mass from a clearly-defined NGO constituency in a clearly-defined structure for clearly-defined purposes.
  2. An elected Executive or Steering Committee composed of senior NGO staff with sufficient resources to invest time in coordination and to support the Chair.
  3. An elected Chair with the willingness to commit to ensuring the health of the coordination body and the time to deliver on that commitment.
  4. Sub-groups meeting for limited periods on a voluntary and inclusive basis to develop specific outputs that address specific issues of concern to the NGO community (or a subset of it).
  5. A Secretariat function that fulfills (at a minimum) basic administrative functions, to free Committee members to play a representative role.

In addition a Terms of Reference is essential to describe the processes that enable these elements to work together to achieve their objectives, to ensure the clarity and continuity of the body, and to provide a measure of accountability to the wider NGO community and its stakeholders.1

The structure outlined above a) makes members responsible for electing the right person through an election process, b) spreads the burden of leadership across a wider range of actors (as opposed to the UN model, which concentrates it in a single individual), and c) provides a supportive environment in which the “wrong” individual might receive the support of peers to grow into a particular role.

It’s important to develop these elements as early as possible: poor coordination structures established in the early days of an emergency response, however temporary, rapidly become fixed in place. The NGO community needs to take responsibility for this as part of its contribution to overall humanitarian coordination.

Despite evidence from these case studies that this structure facilitates NGO coordination, I’d be cautious in recommending it without reservation since reports of success or failure remain anecdotal. Given a rapidly-changing operating environment, past performance of this type of structure may not be an indication of future success. In future we need better documentation, transparently monitored and independently evaluated before we can answer the critical question of how successful it actually is.

  1. The final element of coordination is individual personalities, but by definition this can’t be planned for. []

The long and short of NGO coordination

Slightly later than planned, we’ve published the review of NGO coordination in the field, commissioned by ICVA to look back over the last decade of NGO coordination efforts. The final report consists of an Overview, a series of Case Studies and a set of Lessons Learned, each of which reads as a standalone document. I’m working on a consolidated report which contains all of them, as soon as I finish reading the OpenOffice user manual, but I want to use this blog post to highlight some of the key points that we found.

First and most important: despite what you may have heard, NGO coordination is extremely common. We found NGO coordination bodies in a range of different contexts, although there were persistent weaknesses common to many of them, the most common of which was that they tend to be reactive. Frankly I think NGO coordination bodies need to push the issues that are important to them more actively, particularly in the face of sluggish humanitarian reform and the militarization of aid.

We also found that NGO coordination bodies deal with similar issues everywhere, which means that there’s huge scope for lessons learned (particularly around practical organisation and policy approaches) to be shared more widely in order to strengthen the entire humanitarian community. One of the biggest problems I see is that NGO coordination is too often focused on International NGOs and not enough on Local NGOs; the most obvious reason for this is that it’s just plain difficult to engage local NGOs.

It also seems that there is a “blueprint” for successful organisation of NGO coordination bodies, which we hope to flesh out more in the next phase of the project (that’s what they call a teaser, but I’ll write something on it soon). However we need to be very aware that “success” in this context is limited in what it can achieve, because NGO coordination by itself won’t resolve critical problems, particularly those involving humanitarian principles.

There’s also a lot of questions outstanding. What do NGOs want to achieve through coordination; for example, given the weaknesses of the cluster system, do we want to get more involved in sectoral coordination? How can we use NGO coordination bodies to promote the changes we want to see in the sector more broadly, e.g. local NGO partnership, humanitarian principles, new challenges? How do international NGO consortia (such as ICVA, or InterAction) want to support these field-based efforts?

So download and read them, send them to your sweetheart for Valentine’s Day, put your money in the tip box, &c &c. The Case Studies cover:

  • Afghanistan 1988-2010
  • Haiti 2010
  • Iraq 2003-2010
  • Kosovo 1999-2002
  • Myanmar 2008-2010
  • Occupied Palestinian Territories 1967-2010
  • Pakistan 2002-2010
  • Sudan 1999-2010
  • South Sudan 1996-2010

The conversational gambits of aid workers

When aid workers meet during an emergency response – in a bar, in a workshop, in a meeting – you can guarantee that within five minutes, one of them will have resorted to the single most important question in the industry. To the relative newbie, the question seems innocent enough, but beware! It’s actually a finely calibrated conversational gambit that is designed to test and establish credibility:

So, where were you working before this?

The first stage in this process is simple: where you’ve worked sends a clear signal as to how hardcore you are. If you reply “I spent two years in Ghana with the Peace Corps”, nobody will take you seriously. If you’re able to casually respond “Oh, I was in DRC last month; had a 2-month stint in Afghanistan before that; and was covering for some colleagues in Somalia until we had to be evacuated”, then you’re safe. The important factors here are: location, duration and role. If you arrived in Haiti a year after the earthquake, you are nowhere near as hardcore as somebody who arrived four days after the quake and stayed for 2 weeks.

Once initial credibility is established, this enables your interrogator to follow up: who were you working with? Again, be careful. If you say “Homeopaths without Borders”, nobody will speak to you again. This is a minefield, and I’m never quite sure how to negotiate it. If I say that I worked on a PRT in Afghanistan, it’s +3 hardcore points but -2 “humanitarian principles” points. Sometimes I think it would be easier if everybody had a D&D-style character sheet that they could just hand out when they arrive. It would be more useful than a CV. Almost everybody brings their own prejudices to the table, so you’ll have to get through this one on your own.

The final phase is, “Oh, you must know [insert name of friend X].” If you can establish a mutual friend in the sector that both of you trust, the network effect takes hold and a certain amount of trust is automatic. A mutual friend is a handy shortcut that enables you to avoid the tedious business of actually finding out whether somebody is any good at their job and should be taken seriously. However, if you name somebody who your interlocutor thinks is an incompetent buffoon, you’re going to have to do a lot of work to gain their trust – and their cooperation, if you should need it.

That first question is doing a lot of work in the aid industry. I don’t like it, but I do it myself. I sometimes catch myself worrying whether my own answers are sufficiently credible (especially after taking a reasonably long break from work), and thinking that the whole thing is ridiculous. The problem is, I can’t come up with a better alternative…

The Symptoms of Celebrity

There’s no point debating about whether the George Clooney-fronted Sentinel Satellite Project will have an impact. Since I can’t think of a metric for impact that isn’t insane (surprise!) that’s not an argument that we can even start, let alone win. People working in the aid industry get the sense that there’s something wrong with the whole thing, but find it difficult to articulate the reason for that sense.

Some argue that celebrities don’t know much about the issues they pontificate on. but that clearly isn’t true. Everybody agrees that Bono knows his beans, and this article on Clooney makes clear that (with a little help from John Prendergast) he’s reasonably well-informed. It’s also true that there isn’t an exam you have to pass before you’re allowed to care about something.

Some argue that sending celebrities into disaster zones, while it draws the cameras, doesn’t really raise awareness of the issues or raise funding by the barrel. This is a stronger line of attack, but still not that strong. Considering how much it costs, and how widespread the practice is, it seems likely that the return on investment is reasonably good, as far as it can be measured.

The furthest that most people are prepared to go is to worry that the presence of Clooney – or any celebrity – distracts from the issue rather than drawing attention to it. But everybody knows that you’re not sending Shakira to Bangladesh because it makes Bangladeshi kids happy – they haven’t got a clue who she is. Shakira’s in Dhaka because you get UNICEF footage on the 6 o’clock news.1

What makes us uncomfortable is that when you put a celebrity into the middle of (for instance) South Sudan, it throws our own culture into sharp relief. Sending a celebrity to draw attention to an issue makes us realise that a culture that needs celebrity in that way has gone wrong somewhere. We can’t articulate the real problem because we’ve been trained not to notice it, although locals do.

We think that sending in a celebrity will draw attention to the issues we care about because we’ve been trained that this is the nature of celebrity – a bright light shining in a dull world. Yet the presence of somebody deemed more important than others for nothing more than their visibility spits in the face of our humanitarian principles, which tell us that everybody is equally important.

Celebrities gain their status at the expense of any decent conception of what humans are worth. Most of the time we don’t notice it because nearly everybody in our societies is infected, and because many of us want the coin of celebrity ourselves. We imagine that earning that coin will improve our lives, but that’s a narcissistic fantasy that will later be used to sell us things.

It’s not the fault of celebrities themselves, since they’re oblivious to the nature of their status. I don’t have anything against George Clooney – I think he’s a fine actor, and I enjoy his movies – or any other celebrity. They can choose to spend their celebrity however they want, and I applaud anybody who decides to spend it drawing attention to issues that I also believe are important.

Spending that coin costs the celebrity nothing, however; in fact it buys them more celebrity at the expense of the cause that they’re promoting. Our vain hope is that the celebrity will rub off on the cause, but spending the coin of celebrity makes all of us a little poorer. Celebrity deforms the entire humanitarian enterprise; we should want no part of it.

  1. I am perfectly happy to single UNICEF out here. []

Response to Chris Blow 3: Please Prove Me Wrong

For me, the value of the 4636 system was never been just about the actionability of the data — I saw the reports were profoundly flawed as soon as they began to arrive. There were amazing sparks of actionability — glimpses of something we can all fumble toward somehow — but it was always clear that these were no replacement for well-tested logistics plan.

I know that you and others working in the crowdsourcing ecosystem in Haiti must have recognised this. Yet it didn’t seem like the public statements at the time reflected this; it doesn’t seem as if any of the interviews or conference presentations or media articles reflected this; and most importantly of all, it didn’t seem as if your message to the people of Haiti reflected this. It’s interesting that the rhetoric now – after the funding is in place, after the conference invitations are in, after the media attention has been secured – is much more circumspect than it was previously.

And what exactly was the value of the 4636 system from your perspective? This is what I’ve been really interested to hear.

But, while I was quite aware of how utterly limited the data were, this never made me question the basic value of an open communications system during this crisis.

I guess this is where my old-school sensibilities are a handicap, because my view is that if you’ve set up an information system and the data it’s producing is not that useful, there’s a problem with that system. If we agree for a moment that there’s nothing wrong with your technology, that means there’s a problem with the inputs – because as we all know, the basic rule is garbage in, garbage out – yet the inputs are exactly what you’re claiming are special about your system.

When I am in a crisis, I want strong systems in place that let me text anything I want.

The problem here is that your needs are not necessarily a useful guide to the needs of other people. I’ll say that again, because it’s a fallacy that affects nearly everybody starting out in relief or development: your needs are not necessarily a useful guide to the needs of other people. It’s nothing personal: my needs aren’t a useful guide to the needs of other people either. Hell, my needs probably aren’t a useful guide to your needs, or vice versa.

However I agree that open communications (along several tracks) are valuable, and that accessible communications systems can be as important as accessible food distribution networks. Different criteria apply in a disaster, though; the food distribution networks run by Wal-Mart aren’t as effective in South Sudan. This doesn’t mean that we can’t learn something from Wal-Mart – just that we need to be careful about what we learn.

The same holds for technology; context is vital and we can’t just transplant things that work really well in one place to another. And besides, there’s already a strong system in place that lets you text anything you want – it’s called the mobile phone network.

There may be a limited amount of resources on a particular day in a particular crisis — but in the long term I believe that there are millions of people who could be engaged in productive and powerful work through diverse and open platforms.

I also believe that there are millions of people who could be engaged, it’s just that I don’t believe that millions will be engaged. There’s already ways in which those people could be involved if they wanted to, and the vast majority of them simply don’t want to. I long ago ceased to be naïve enough to believe that everybody shared my value set, so I’m not condemning anybody here; I just fail to see why anybody thinks that technology will magically make people more altruistic.1

The only vaguely convincing argument I’ve seen says that the internet – and in this case crowdsourcing – has lowered the barrier to entry to get involved in humanitarian activities. Unfortunately that doesn’t mean that more people will get involved, because the barrier to entry was also lowered on a huge range of other, more interesting activities that people will choose instead of the difficult and depressing work of humanitarian activities. A lower entry barrier is also a lower exit barrier, as Ushahidi found out somewhere between Haiti and Pakistan.

The bitter truth is that you may have to face the possibility that the crowdsourced response to Haiti was possible mainly because Haiti is within flying distance of the US, has a long history with the US (including a large diaspora community), and was a particularly media-friendly disaster. I’m not saying that this was definitely the reason why that particular crowdsourced response ever got off the ground, but I’m interested to hear what this discussion looks like from the other side, rather than just get fed another inane marketing video.

Particularly I see a great promise in networks which help people in crisis see their own neighborhood, to help each other, rather than always relying on the aid worker. So, information which seems predictable and “not novel enough” to an aid worker might be quite powerful to someone who lives down the street.

I agree completely. We are already seeing this (something I’m going to talk about soon in a follow-up article) but this isn’t the model of crowdsourcing that was developed in Haiti. I remain unconvinced that the Haiti model is a useful model for anything else – in fact I remain unconvinced that the Haiti model was a particularly useful model in Haiti. All I’ve been asking for is some evidence that it warrants the massive amount of hyperbole that surrounded it – and the opportunity costs of implementing it.

The other point to note here is that the fact that different types of information have different value to different people is trivially true. That being the case, then who gets the value in the type of information that Ushahidi et al gathered in Haiti – the aid worker or the person who lives down the street? Because it seems to me that the information gathered in Haiti might well be useful to somebody who lives down the street, but that’s not where the project was driving (because it was subject to exactly the same constraints as everybody else in reaching the street).

In this sense, I have a hard time understanding how you could question whether it has “any substantive value.” To me the value is self-evident, if complex, and problematic for traditional patterns of response.

The value may be self-evident to you, and others working on crowdsourcing projects like 4636 or Ushahidi, but they’re not self-evident to others. You can’t accept people to accept your claims just because you really, really believe; you need to present a convincing narrative. The narrative around Ushahidi is really convincing to technologists because it tells them that technologists can really really make a difference.

That narrative is a lot less convincing to people who actually do the work. All I wanted was for proponents of crowdsourcing to step up to the plate with something more than the usual vague gushing about the revolutionary power of the crowd, with some more awareness of the embedded technocratic ideology that comes with the package, and to be backed up by slightly more evidence than second-hand anecdotes from a US marine. I freely admit that I could be wrong – that was why I wrote the article – but I need to be shown to be wrong.

All tools are suitable for some tasks, and not for others. It strikes me as strange that Ushahidi is proposed as a mapping solution for citizen journalism; for election monitoring; for human rights monitoring; for emergency response; for clearing snow from American cities; and for pretty much any activity you care to mention. It strikes me as singularly unlikely that it’s a solution for all of them.

Generally speaking, the rule of tools is this: the wider the range of tasks that a tool can perform, the less effective it is for any given task within that range. There is no shame in anybody anywhere standing up and saying, “it turns out that our tool isn’t suitable for this particular taskâ€

  1. I have to refer back to Shirky again. The opening chapter of Cognitive Surplus contrasts Ushahidi and Lolcats as two ways in which that surplus can be engaged; he judges one to be more constructive and one less constructive, but both are deemed more constructive than watching the television. This is bullshit. You learn more from watching Unreported World than you do from watching X Factor, but a lot more people watch the latter. Ushahidi maps to Uncovered Stories, Lolcats to X Factor, and you can do the math about how many people are likely to contribute to any given Ushahidi instance. []

Response to Chris Blow 2: Bear Jumps Shark

I’m glad that Bear vs Shark helped Chris (and others, based on emails I received at the time) to think through how we can balance “data entry” with “story telling”. The reason why this is important embodies one of my concerns about the web in general: that it has a mediating effect, distancing us from the world of the actual. You may not share that concern, but my own experience suggests that this mediation undermines the sense of solidarity that lies behind the humanitarian impulse – or indeed civic responsibility of any kind.

Another of my concerns is the ideology that is smuggled in with social media, or at least with a lot of the rhetoric about social media. I don’t use Facebook for anything other than maintaining a register of my extended network and opening up lines of communication, because (as many people have started to notice) Facebook is not neutral. Embedded in its design is a particular view of the world – this is true of all social media – and it’s not a world that I necessarily want to live in.1

Like fish in the sea, most people are blind to this, and so discussion focuses entirely on the cool things these tools do rather than the social values that they embody. This discourse is highly valued by companies that wish to distract you from the fact that what they really want to do is sell you something, and Clay Shirky is the undisputed heavyweight master of this theatre of misdirection. While he pretends to insight into how social media is changing the world, what he’s really doing is telling the over-mediated bourgeoisie that we’ll become the revolutionary vanguard when we buy an iPhone app.

Obviously, we won’t.

For me, crowdsourcing brings together both of these concerns in a single package wrapped up in that rhetoric. That doesn’t mean that I think crowdsourcing heralds the end of civilisation as we know it, or even that I oppose crowdsourcing as a useful tool for all kinds of tasks. The reason I wrote about crowdsourcing in the last year is simply because I think the humanitarian enterprise is in dire straits, and I don’t think technology will fix that. In fact, technology can be a distraction from the real problems if it isn’t handled well.

If you read what I’ve written about crowdsourcing in the past, most of my frustrations have not been with the concept of crowdsourcing, but with the rhetoric around it:

  1. The Crisis Category Error: the pretence that “crisis” is a meaningful category when it’s used to bring together complex social phenomena that are completely unrelated.2
  2. The If All You Have Is A Hammer Fallacy: the claim that because crowdsourcing as a tool has a perceived utility in event type A, that utility is generalizable to event type B.
  3. The Year Zero Expert Syndrome: the pronouncement that crowdsourcing has / is / will revolutionize a sector, made by people with little to no actual experience of that sector.
  4. The Unstructured Use Case Error: the obfuscation of crowdsourcing as a way for communities to help themselves, crowdsourcing as a way to improve efficiencies in the humanitarian sector, and crowdsourcing as a way for outsiders to feel like they’re helping communities.

Now while you might disagree with my frustrations – and you’re welcome to do so – none of them are about the concept of crowdsourcing per se.3 That crowdsourcing exists, and can be useful, and is worth working on, I have no doubt at all; that it has implications for business as usual in relief and development, I have serious doubts but I’m ready to be persuaded. My problem is the gap between the rhetoric and the reality, and the way in which that gap is exploited to sell crowdsourcing to organisations and individuals for whom it has marginal value.

That MobileActive article did two things: presented a professional opinion (although not according to Robert Munro, who for some mysterious reason believes that experience of actually doing humanitarian coordination somehow disqualifies one from having an opinion on humanitarian coordination) and asked a lay question. So the really interesting issue for me is: Why are attempts to open up serious discussion about crowdsourcing usually painted as hostile opposition; as a futile rearguard action by entrenched vested interests who SIMPLY DON’T UNDERSTAND THE FUTURE?

Luckily, I have the answer to that (it’s one of the few answers I do have), but we need to flash back on Clay Shirky. The over-mediated bourgeoisie (myself included) cry out for a sense of purpose; there are lots of people paid to pander to our quest for purpose (such as Shirky); technology is one of the things that we feel might give us purpose, especially if the marketing material tells us it’s all about “making connections”; and the rhetoric of technocratic utopianism seems like it gives us revolutionary credentials. And if we believe that you’re the revolutionary vanguard, then obviously we need an establishment to set ourselve against. No Tsar, no Bolsheviks, after all.

The reason that I wrote that MobileActive article, and the reason why I took a more aggressive tone in it, was to balance out the sort of rhetoric that I mentioned above. My tone will differ depending on what I’m writing about, where I’m writing and who I’m writing for; I took it for granted that I was addressing an audience that was mature enough to accept and engage with constructive criticism, which is why Chris’ reply is so welcome (as were nearly all of the other comments on the original article). Not least because it has given me an opportunity to write about this much wider issue around technology in the humanitarian sector.

Response to Chris Blow 1: Why We Fight

Chris Blow left a comment on one of my previous crowdsourcing posts. I’m reposting it here, since he makes good points from the point of view of somebody closely involved in developing crowdsourcing solutions, and specifically Ushahidi. I felt it was particularly important to give his comment attention given that nobody else involved with Ushahidi thought it was worth their time engaging in a public discussion about the role of crowdsourcing in humanitarian operations.

I’ll then reply to his points in two separate blog posts. The first reply deals with why I wrote the MobileActive article in the first place, and why I took the tone I did. The second reply addresses Chris’ substantive points about the role of crowdsourcing in emergencies. This might seem like a lot of energy to expend on a single topic, and it might make some people think that I dwell obsessively on “crowdsourcing”, but please rest assured that, when I’m not writing this guff, I don’t think about crowdsourcing at all.

I read your short post last winter “The Bear vs. Shark of Data Entry” and was quite moved by the notion that ostensibly “inefficient” modes of communication could fuel essential humanitarian motivations in all of us.

Your post must have had great timing for me, as it sparked a number of thoughts: it helped me consider the extent to which I was implicitly working to eliminate my contact with people “on the ground.” It made me think more critically about streamlined systems that removed the need to actually “touch” anything. And it reminded me of the essential role of empathy and connectedness as aspects of long-term, systemic value. Yours was a simple and profound critique, and it really pushed me toward in a richer, more engaged role. Thank you.

When I read “How Useful is Humanitarian Crowdsourcing,” I was struck by the difference in tone.

Your criticism, while well-intended and I think quite necessary, struck me as an unreasonably narrow thought experiment. I realize that assuming the role of a UN officer was a productive critical lens for you, but it did not sound like the Currion who had previously so informed my sensibilities, and by design it excludes many of the aspects of Ushahidi that I think are the most important.

For me, the value of the 4636 system was never been just about the actionability of the data — I saw the reports were profoundly flawed as soon as they began to arrive. There were amazing sparks of actionability — glimpses of something we can all fumble toward somehow — but it was always clear that these were no replacement for well-tested logistics plan.

But, while I was quite aware of how utterly limited the data were, this never made me question the basic value of an open communications system during this crisis. When I am in a crisis, I want strong systems in place that let me text anything I want. The poor state of these communication systems in the developing world is not a substitute for robust analysis and filtration on the part of relief agencies. The inadequacy of the network should not be a “first pass” filter. There may be a limited amount of resources on a particular day in a particular crisis — but in the long term I believe that there are millions of people who could be engaged in productive and powerful work through diverse and open platforms. Particularly I see a great promise in networks which help people in crisis see their own neighborhood, to help each other, rather than always relying on the aid worker. So, information which seems predictable and “not novel enough” to an aid worker might be quite powerful to someone who lives down the street. In this sense, I could never reject this data any more than I could reject the howl of a grieving father. These are not always “useful” voices in a logistical sense but rather a natural outgrowth of people having visibility on the network, and I think a critical aspect of civic capacity on a local level. There is also qualitative value in having a connection to these voices across cultural and national borders.

In this sense, I have a hard time understanding how you could question whether it has “any substantive value.” To me the value is self-evident, if complex, and problematic for traditional patterns of response.

Giving the gift of training

So a couple of years ago, right, UNICEF asked me to develop some training, right, and I did these modules on information management, right, and then we delivered the training in a couple of places, right, and it went pretty well, right, and at the time I thought it would be a good idea to post it on the blog, right, and then I forgot about it until the New Year, right.

So here’s a New Year’s gift for everybody! I’m posting the guidance notes, powerpoint presentation, and resource materials from the one-day training module on information management for WASH (Water, Sanitation and Hygiene Promotion). I’ve got literally no idea what UNICEF’s position on copyright is, but for the purposes of this blog, this is Creative Commons all the way, baby.

The training has been updated by UNICEF since then – in particular, the section on WASH IM tools has changed as the tools have rolled out, and the examples are a few years old now. The basic material is still valid, but it is basic; this training was targeted at field-level or middle-management staff from WASH Cluster members and assumes that they have little to no IM experience.

So download, adapt, use, enjoy: any comments or questions, let me know. Srecna nova godina!

WASH Information Management Training Course v2.2 (Guidance Notes, 688Kb)

WASH Information Management Training Module v2.2 (Powerpoint Presentation, 1.1MB)

WASH Resource Materials v2.2 (Zip File, 4.9MB)